First World War CentennialFirst World War Centennial

Chapter III: Montenegro; the crime of the Peace conference

III.

The Campaign of Slander

WHILE Montenegro was fighting Serbia's battles, the plotters against the little state were held in check by self-interest. But from the moment of the Austrian occupation the campaign of detraction went on, more effectively than ever. Forgotten lies were retold, new ones invented. The old fake secret treaty purporting to have been made between Austria and Monte­negro long before the war was circulated where it would make the most trouble.

This "treaty" was dated 1907 and signed with the name of a minister who had then been out of office for months. First published in 1912, and at once positively branded as false by the Mon­tenegrin government, it was reprinted during the war at Nich, in the Tribuna, a paper con­trolled by Premier Pachitch of Serbia. But the burden of proof is on the accuser and Serbia has never presented any evidence fit to satisfy a ju­dicial body that such an agreement existed.

If, however, anybody chooses to believe the tale, he must admit that Austria got no good from the arrangement.

Who did this work of undermining a nation's credit? It would be profitless to print any ex­tended list of Serbia's agents. Tools are easy to buy when there is money. Perhaps the Bene­dict Arnold of this betrayal was Radovitch, a renegade member of King Nicolas' former court, and author of anti-Montenegrin pamphlets.

The career of this man ought to be written. It would furnish plots for half a dozen novels and feature films. He is the Busy Bee of the Balkans. Before the war he had represented Montenegro at various European courts, served as Chief Engineer and Chief of Ordnance, Prefect of Police, Counsellor of State and finally Presi­dent of the Council. So intimate and apparently affectionate were his relations with royalty that he used to call himself "The King's fourth son."

At one period or another, this Radovitch was on all sides of the Montenegrin question. His conscience and his tongue were equally flex­ible. At one moment he would profess to know the King's most secret thoughts. Later he would accuse him of some evil deed.

"But you were his friend at that very time," some one would object. Whereupon he would forget his boast of intimacy and profess com­plete ignorance of the King's wicked ways.

Even after he had begun to work against the King, Radovitch pretended to offer his old chief the first place in a Jugoslav confederacy he was trying to patch up. Here is a part of his letter to Nicolas, written in August, 1916:

"Besides the Council composed of delegates from the different states, there must be a perma­nent President of the Confederation. If your Majesty took part in the realization of the Jugoslav state, in accordance with the principle just explained, the popularity thus to be won because of your past and your family ties, affords reason to believe that this position, first in the eyes of all in the Balkans would be offered you by the Powers."

The very fact that Radovitch could propose King Nicolas for such participation in the government of the Balkan States, nullifies his whole campaign of slander. He and all his tribe cared nothing for Serbia or Montenegro. Rado­vitch publicly admitted the receipt of large sums of money from "Serbian patriots of independent means." Yet he posed as a representative of Montenegrins—who unfortunately had no money with which to secure the circulation of the truth. The vicious feature of all this is that so many people believed the propaganda put out by Rado­vitch and Company. And Americans ought to know that part of the very money which the United States Treasury Department advanced to Serbia in 1917-18 was used to deceive them as to the Montenegrin situation.