From the report of the Executive Council to the American Federation of Labor convention held in St. Paul, Minn., June, 1918.
Since our report to the Buffalo Convention discussion of Labor's international relation has focused around three subjects:
1. Proposals to hold an international labor conference in which representatives from enemy countries should participate, and
2. Discussion of "peace terms."
3. Reconstruction.
In continuation of the discussion of matters of mutual interests at several previous Inter-Allied Labor Conferences, British Labor in January sent invitations to the labor movements of the allied countries to attend an Inter-Allied Labor Conference to be held in London commencing February 20, 1918. The following is the invitation:
London, 16th January, 1918.
Dear Gompers: On behalf of the British Trades Union Congress Parliamentary Committee and the National Executive of the Labor Party I have the pleasure to send you herewith particulars as to the conditions under which we are calling an Inter-Allied Conference to commence in London on 20th February, 1918.
We trust it will be possible for the American Federation of Labor to be represented; for in addition to considering the British War Aims and any amendments thereto sent in on behalf of the respective countries, there is to be considered the very important question as to whether the time has arrived when we should hold an International Conference.
A third most important question will be the arrangements to be made for working class representation in connection with any official peace conference. Even if your Federation does not quite agree with the two committees responsible for organizing the Inter-Allied Conference, it would be desirable that your representatives, and especially yourself, were present to put the American point of view.
We have had a request from the American Socialists, but the two committees have decided that your Federation was the only body to be invited to this conference to represent America. I shall esteem it a favor, therefore, if you will give this matter your sympathetic consideration and let me know as early as possible any decision you may reach.
With all good wishes, Yours sincerely,
Arthur Henderson. Mr. Samuel Gompers,
Washington, D. C.
This invitation reached the headquarters of the American Federation of Labor late February 9. The Executive Council was beginning its regular meeting on the following day. It was then too late to send a representative to be in time to attend the London conference, February 20. On February 11, the Council considered the invitation and authorized the President of the American Federation of Labor to send a cablegram expressing regret that owing to lack of time it was impossible to be represented in the Inter-Allied Conference. In accord with that action the following cablegram was sent:
Washington, February 18, 1918. Arthur Henderson, London. Your January sixteen letter reached me late Saturday, February nine, and brought to attention Executive Council, American Federation of Labor, in session on eleventh. We regret that circumstances make impossible to be represented in the Inter-Allied Labor Conference, London, February twentieth. Executive Council in declaration unanimously declared, "We can not meet with representatives of those who are aligned against us in this world war for freedom, but we hope they will sweep away the barriers which they have raised between us."
All should be advised that any one presuming to represent Labor in America in your conference is simply self-constituted and unrepresentative.
We hope shortly to send delegation of representative workers American labor movement to England and to France.
Please convey our fraternal greetings to the Inter-Allied Labor Conference and assure them that we are pledged and will give our man-power and at least half we have in wealth power in the struggle to secure for the world justice, freedom and democracy.
Gompers.
It will be observed that in Mr. Henderson's letter he stated that our Federation was to be the only body to be invited to the conference to represent America. Information had come to us that a group of persons had decided to send one or more representatives to attend the Inter-Allied Labor Conference at London February 20th, and it was for that reason that reference was made in President Gompers' cablegram to the fact that any one presuming to represent Labor of America would be simply self-constituted and unrepresentative.
In addition, there was included in the cablegram sent to Mr. Henderson a statement that a representative from the A. F. of L. would not participate in any discussion or any conference in which representatives of enemy countries took part. It was believed that this fact should be emphasized at that particular time by reason of the declarations of the A. F. of L. upon this point and for the further reason that there were some who in our judgment mistakenly or wrongfully urged such participation. When the war is won, the question of participation in a labor conference in which the representatives of all countries participate, can be decided.
Upon the day that the cablegram was sent it was given out in Washington for publication. Some representative of the press in New York cabled the message over to British papers. On the day of the opening of the London conference British papers published a garbled cablegram purporting to be sent by the President of the A. F. of L., in which the following sentence had been injected: "American labor believes German influences have inspired the London conference and until this is disproved will avoid the conference."
When the falsehood came to the attention of the Allied Labor Conference in London, the conference directed its Publicity Committee to publish the text of the cablegram as received from President Gompers, and also sent the following cablegram to him:
London, Feb. 25, 1918. Gompers,
American Federation of Labor, Washington. Press in this country circulating statement, your alleged authority, that American labor believes German influences inspire the London conference. Nothing appears your telegram to us. We feel sure you will resent gross falsification your message. Apparently part of campaign malicious misrepresentation on part enemies of labor. Trust you will dissociate your federation from statement which is wholly untrue.
Albert Thomas, President. Arthur E. Henderson, Secy.
Owing to important official engagements which necessitated absence from Washington, and to official duties that could not be deferred, reply to the telegram could not be made immediately, and in any event it would not be sent or received during the sessions of the conference, for it had already adjourned. However, the following cable reply was made:
Washington, D. C, March 13, 1918. Arthur Henderson, London. Your letter January sixteen inviting delegation American Federation of Labor participate in London conference February twenty, reached me February nine. Authority to designate delegates of the American labor movement vested in convention American Federation of Labor or in Executive Council during interim.
Executive Council in session February eleven with regret found it impossible to send representatives because insufficient time to reach London.
We cabled this fact and fraternal greetings to Inter-Allied Labor Conference and assurance that American people are united in struggle for world justice and freedom.
American Federation of Labor responsible only for cable sent you by its representatives and not for cablegram garbled in press.
American labor glad to meet with representatives labor movements of allied countries but refuses to meet representatives of the labor movements of enemy countries while they are fighting against democracy and world freedom.
In the gigantic task to destroy autocracy there must be hearty coöperation among workers and we hope nothing will interfere with complete understanding and good-will between workers of America and allied countries.
A delegation representing American labor will shortly visit England and France to encourage, confer and coöperate in furtherance of the cause of labor and world democracy. Am sending identical cablegram to Albert Thomas, France.
Samuel Gompers.
An identical cablegram was sent to Albert Thomas of France.
The statement was cabled from Great Britain that the Inter-Allied Labor Conference authorized a commission to come to the United States to confer with representatives of the American labor movement in order to clear up misunderstandings and to secure direct information of the views and plans of American labor. According to press reports the commission was to consist of representatives of British, French, Italian and Belgian labor. However, the only official communication received in regard to this commission is the following cablegram from L. Jouhaux, Secretary of the Confédération Générale du Travail:
Washington, D. C. I desire to make on the part of the working class delegation coming to America, to express to you satisfaction at our meeting soon.
Jouhaux.
In view of the existing situation, for the purpose of holding conferences with workers of allied countries, of ascertaining conditions both in Great Britain and France; to bring home to our movement this information and to convey the information to our fellow workers of the allied countries of what we were doing in the United States, to convey the message of good will; to bring about a greater degree of coöperation and effective service for the toilers and for our common cause in winning the war, we authorized the creation of a commission of representative workers of the United States to visit both England and France. More particulars of this will be submitted later on in this report.
When it became known in Great Britain and France that an American labor mission was going over, information was cabled across that the departure of the Inter-Allied commission would be deferred at least until conferences were had with the American labor representatives. It is suggested that the entire correspondence on International Labor Relations published in the American Federationist be read when this subject is considered.
Peace Terms
From Executive Council report to St. Paul Convention, June, 1918:
Since the beginning of the present European war the American Federation of Labor at each convention has adopted declarations dealing with the peace which shall terminate the present war. It is fitting at the present time to gather the various principles that have been declared by our conventions into one comprehensive statement representing the peace demands of American Labor.
At the Philadelphia (1914) Convention a resolution was adopted which proposed a World Labor Congress to be held at the same time and place as the Peace Congress that would formulate the peace treaty closing the war.
We reported to the San Francisco (1915) Convention a comprehensive plan for the convocation of such a World Labor Congress, which was approved. This plan was transmitted to the labor movements of all countries. Replies were received from many concurring in the suggestion. However, Carl Legien, President of the Federation of Trade Unions of Germany, wrote that in his judgment such a movement would be of doubtful practicability, and the British labor movement withheld endorsement.
For these reasons the Baltimore (1916) Convention adopted as a supplement to the first proposition, that the labor movements of the various countries should prevail upon their national governments to include representatives of Labor in the national delegation which would participate in the World Peace Congress.
These demands are in accord with the fundamental principles of democracy which is the basic issue involved in the war. The labor movement holds that the government should be the agency by which the will of the people is expressed, rather than the agency for controlling them.
The war is requiring tremendous sacrifices of all of the people. Because of their response in defense of principles of freedom, the people have earned the right to wipe out all vestiges of the old idea that the government belongs to or constitutes a "governing class." In determining issues that will vitally affect the lives and welfare of millions of wage-earners, justice requires that they should have direct representation in the agency authorized to make such decisions.
The Buffalo (1917) Convention declared that the following essentially fundamental principles must underlie any peace treaty acceptable to them:
I. A league of the free peoples of the world in a common covenant for genuine and practical coöperation to secure justice and therefore peace in relations between nations.
2. No political or economic restrictions meant to benefit some nations and to cripple or embarrass others.
3. No indemnities or reprisals based upon vindictive purposes or deliberate desire to injure, but to right manifest wrongs.
4. Recognition of the rights of small nations and of the principle, "No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live."
5. No territorial changes or adjustment of power except in furtherance of the welfare of the peoples affected and in furtherance of world peace.
In addition to these basic principles which are based upon declarations of our President of these United States, there should be incorporated in the treaty that shall constitute the guide of nations in the new period and conditions into which we enter at the close of the war the following declarations, fundamental to the best interests of all nations and of vital importance to wage-earners:
1. No article or commodity shall be shipped or delivered in international commerce in the production of which children under the age of 16 have been employed or permitted to work.
2. It shall be declared that the basic workday in industry and commerce shall not exceed eight hours.
3. Involuntary servitude shall not exist except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.
4. Establishment of trial by jury.
Because we believe that an effort in advance of the Peace Congress to apply these fundamental principles to concrete problems would result only in hindering and possibly imperiling the work of the representatives in the Peace Congress by limiting the scope and the effectiveness of the negotiatory powers of those who may represent the American Government and labor movement, we deem it unwise at this time to formulate concrete declarations in regard to problems that will come before the Peace Congress. In addition, the progress attending the military events will undoubtedly greatly change the problems from time to time.
We are in accord with that program of world peace stated by the President of the United States in his address to Congress on January 8, 1918.
The growth of political institutions is always attendant upon the development of closer and more complicated relations between groups of people. Simple, political institutions existing in simple, social organization have always grown into more adequate institutions, necessary to meet the internal needs and problems of a strong commercial people. A corresponding development had been taking place in relations between nations before the outbreak of war. The industrial and commercial lives of all nations had been closely bound together through world organization of markets, finances, systems of communications and exchange, and agencies for the stimulation and dissemination of information, the inadequacy of then existing international agencies for dealing with international affairs, was fully demonstrated.
International anarchy creates the opportunity for aggression on the part of strong resourceful nations seeking an outlet for unemployed energy and excess of production. Where there are no established agencies or methods for dealing with such aggressors, militarism manifests itself and can be eliminated only when the field of international relations is justly organized. This work of organization will clearly devolve upon a league of nations. Although its work will be fraught with far-reaching consequences such a league can be trusted to institute necessary agencies and methods if it is democratic and humane in character and method. We hold that diplomatic relations between nations must be democratic. In a word, where the human side of life is fully recognized and represented.
Diplomatic representatives of nations ought to be responsible to a representative agency in their government and should be received either by the parliament of the country to which they are accredited or by a representative of the people directly responsible to them.
Under the opportunities created by a league of nations adequate agencies could be established for dealing with all justiciable questions. An administrative body composed of representatives of the principal groups constituting national interests should be established to deal with practical problems in a constructive way and thus avert situations that might otherwise result in injustice and war. We have already a more or less indefinite mass of customs known as international law. The present law does not furnish adequate standards to direct international relations. The law could be made more practical and more effective by conferences of representatives of the various peoples to revise, modify, and extend existing regulations.
As the result of experience, particularly as events have been disclosed since the beginning of the war, there has been demonstrated a total lack of effective organization of the forces among the peoples of all the countries to make for the maintenance of international peace and at the same time secure international justice. As an outgrowth of the war, new understandings and conceptions have developed to the causes of war and particularly of the present war; new conceptions of right and of justice and an increased determination to secure and thereafter maintain the peace of the world founded upon a higher morale of the peoples of the world. There can be no question as to the final outcome of this world struggle. Autocracy, militarism, and its most dangerous supporting weapon, irresponsible diplomacy, must perish. Democracy, justice, freedom and absolute confidence between governments and peoples must be established and triumph. There is no doubt but out of the present war the morals and the conduct of the governments of the world must be upon a higher moral plane, and that this fact will make toward the establishment and maintenance of international relations which shall safeguard the peoples of the world in the enjoyment of a much desired permanent peace.
From the report of the Committee on International Labor Relations to the American Federation of Labor convention in St. Paul, Minn., June, 1918.
Your Committee on International Labor Relations has approached all subjects referred to it from the viewpoint of "Win the War for Democracy and Justice." We hold, there can be no true democracy, justice and freedom in the economic, social or political field of endeavor under an autocratic form of government, asserting its authority and holding its power by militarism.
Under the caption, International Labor Relations, in the Executive Council's Report, you will find interesting, comprehensive information concerning several important matters, which if they had not been properly handled would have had, in our judgment, a far-reaching, disastrous result upon the present and future welfare of our country's cause, our cause, and the sacred cause of our Allies in this crisis. Chief among these propositions are:
1. Proposals to hold an international labor conference in which representatives from enemy countries should participate, and
2. Discussion of "peace terms."
3. Reconstruction.
4. The invitation made by Arthur Henderson, representing the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress and the National Executive of the British Labor Party, to attend an Inter-Allied Labor Conference to commence in London on February 20, 1918.
The report sets forth that this invitation was received at the headquarters of the American Federation of Labor late on February 9, 1918, and at a time which made it impossible for the American Federation of Labor to be represented at the Inter-Allied Conference. In the reply of President Gompers, authorized and forwarded by direction of the Executive Council, A. F. of L., we particularly note this statement:
"We cannot meet with representatives of those who are aligned against us in this world war for freedom, but we hope they will sweep away the barriers which they have raised between us."
We declare the position of the Executive Council in refusing to sit in conference at this time with delegates from countries with which we are at war is logically, morally and absolutely correct. We dare say, it is our judgment that no representatives to a conference of this nature could emerge from either of the Central Powers without the approval and consent of the autocratic rulers of these countries; hence, under such circumstances there could be no true expression of the hopes and the aspirations, and the true attitude of the toiling masses in those autocratically ridden, misgoverned, militaristic governments.
Peace Terms
Upon that portion of the Executive Council's report under the caption above the committee reported as follows:
Under this caption, the Council sets forth in detail organized labor's attitude as first expressed at the Philadelphia, 1914, Convention, down to and including the action taken at the Buffalo, 1917, Convention.
At the Philadelphia Convention, the American Federation of Labor proposed that a Peace Congress, composed of representatives of labor of all countries, should meet and give expression to Labor's views of peace treaties, at the time peace terms between nations shall be considered at the close of the war.
At the San Francisco, 1915, Convention, a comprehensive plan for the convocation of such a World Labor Congress was proposed and approved. This plan was forwarded through proper channels to the labor movements of all countries. Mr. Carl Legien, President of the Federation of Trade Unions of Germany, wrote stating that in his judgment such a plan and movement was of doubtful practicability, and the British labor movement withheld endorsement;
At the Baltimore, 1916, Convention, a supplementary plan to the first proposition was proposed and adopted; that is, that the labor movements of the various countries should prevail upon the national governments to include representatives of labor in the National Delegation, which would participate in the World Peace Congress, and at the same time reaffirmed the action taken at the foregoing stated conventions;
At the Buffalo, 1917, Convention, previous actions were reaffirmed and reindorsed and, in addition, more clear-cut and fundamental principles were declared to be in our judgment the basic construction of proper peace terms. These are set forth in the Council's report, and it is unnecessary to repeat them here, except to say that paramount among these recommendations are:
A league of the free peoples of the world in a common covenant for genuine and practical coöperation to secure justice and therefore peace in relations between nations.
No political or economic restrictions meant to benefit some nations and to cripple and embarrass others.
Recognition of the rights of small nations and of the principle, "No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live"; and,
"Involuntary servitude shall not exist except as a punishment for crime, where the party shall have been duly convicted," and, last but not least,
"Establishment of trial by jury."
Reaffirming and re-asserting former declarations of principles concerning terms of peace, we hold and again reiterate a former declaration, that the terms of peace and the calling of peace conferences primarily rests with our government, and that whatever we may say in this connection is purely an expression of our thoughts and our hopes, and of an advisory character. We cannot refrain from asserting that it is our judgment and belief no just nor lasting peace can be obtained by negotiations until victory is achieved. The universe is horrified over the precipitation of a war that has set the whole world on fire, and there is no question in our minds as to who started the war, and the then hidden, but now public, purposes of the German imperialistic and militaristic government. There can be no real nor permanent peace, such as will safeguard and protect freedom and justice, that is not predicated upon democracy and the rights of the people to self-government. We owe it to ourselves, to our country, and to our Allies, and to the peoples of all civilized countries, to insist upon a peace that shall be grounded upon the triumph of our cause, democracy and justice.
Events in Russia have shown the utter futility of attempting to negotiate peace treaties with the Central Powers as they are now constituted.
Your committee agrees with the Council substantially that "We deem it unwise at this time to formulate concrete declarations in regard to problems that will come before the Peace Congress," and that
"We are in accord with the program of World Peace stated by the President of the United States in his address to Congress on January 8, 1918, and moreover,
"That autocracy and militarism and its most dangerous weapon, irresponsible diplomacy, must perish."
Adhering strictly to these principles, we are of the opinion that no permanent peace can be made nor should be made until democracy supplants autocracy, and that a league of nations is established for the purpose of maintaining a just peace for and the protection of small nations. LABOR DELEGATES TO INTER-ALLIED LABOR CONFERENCE
London, September 17, 18, 19, 20, 1918.
We recognize in this World War the conflict between autocratic and democratic institutions; the contest between the principles of self-development through free institutions and that of arbitrary control of government by groups or individuals for selfish ends.
It is therefore essential that the peoples and the governments of all countries should have a full and definite knowledge of the spirit and determination of this Inter-allied Conference, representative of the workers of our respective countries, with reference to the prosecution of the War.
We declare it to be our unqualified determination to do all that lies within our power to assist our allied countries in the marshaling of all of their resources to the end that the armed forces of the Central Powers may be driven from the soil of the nations which they have invaded and now occupy; and, furthermore, that these armed forces shall be opposed so long as they carry out the orders or respond to the control of the militaristic autocratic governments of the Central Powers which now threaten the existence of all self-governing people.
This Conference endorses the fourteen points laid down by President Wilson as conditions upon which peace between the belligerent nations may be established and maintained, as follows:—
1. Open covenants of peace openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
2. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas outside territorial waters alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
3. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to peace and associating itself for its maintenance.
4. Adequate guarantees, given and taken, that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
5. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all Colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the Government whose title is to be determined.
6. The evacuation of all Russian territory, and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest coöperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy, and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and more than a welcome assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire.
The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their goodwill, of their comprehension of her needs, as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
7. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve, as this will serve, to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is for ever impaired.
8. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly 50 years, should be righted in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
9. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
10. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the first opportunity of autonomous development.
11. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated, the occupied territories restored, Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea, and the relations of the several Balkan States to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality, and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be entered into.
12. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
13. An independent Polish state should be erected, which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
14. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
The world is requiring tremendous sacrifices of all the peoples. Because of their response in defense of principles of freedom the peoples have earned the right to wipe out all vestiges of the old idea that the government belongs to or constitutes a "governing class." In determining issues that will vitally affect the lives and welfare of millions of wage earners, justice requires that they should have direct representation in the agencies authorized to make such decisions. We therefore declare that—In the official delegation from each of the belligerent countries which will formulate the Peace Treaty, the Workers should have direct official representation:
We declare in favor of a World Labor Congress to be held at the same time and place as the Peace Conference that will formulate the Peace Treaty closing the War.
We declare that the following essentially fundamental principles must underlie the Peace Treaty: A league of the free peoples of the world in a common covenant for genuine and practical coöperation to secure justice and therefore peace in relations between nations.
No political or economic restrictions meant to benefit some nations and to cripple or embarrass others.
No reprisals based upon purely vindictive purposes, or deliberate desire to injure, but to right manifest wrongs.
Recognition of the rights of small nations and of the principle, "No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live."
No territorial changes or adjustment of power except in furtherance of the welfare of the peoples affected and in furtherance of world peace.
In addition to these basic principles there should be incorporated in the Treaty which shall constitute the guide of nations in the new period and conditions into which we enter at the close of the War, the following declarations fundamental to the best interests of all nations and of vital importance to wage-earners:
That in law and in practice the principle shall be recognized that the labor of a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce.
Involuntary servitude shall not exist except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.
The right of free association, free assemblage, free speech and free press shall not be abridged.
That the seamen of the merchant marine shall be guaranteed the right of leaving their vessels when the same are in safe harbor.
No article or commodity shall be shipped or delivered in international commerce in the production of which children under the age of sixteen years have been employed or permitted to work.
It shall be declared that the basic workday in industry and commerce shall not exceed eight hours per day.
Trial by jury should be established.
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