First World War Centennial

From the report of the Executive Council to the American Federation of Labor convention held in San Francisco, Col., November, 1915.

When the Executive Council made its report to the Philadelphia Convention, the European war had been in progress for several months. The horrors, the destruction and the waste of war were all so new that they were like a terrible weight on the spirits of all. The waste of human life, the brutality and the butchery, seemed so horrible as to be well-nigh impossible.

But the months that have passed have revealed the tenacity of purpose involved in the war, the grim determination to fight the struggle to some definite decision, yet every day and every month of the war have demanded their toll of human blood and human life and the suffering of those left at home.

The purpose and the method of war are a direct reversal of the purpose and the ideals of peace. Human beings are merely the agencies for carrying on war—they are the centers about which activities for peace revolve and for whom all of civilization and all of progress exist. With the beginning of hostilities, civilized life has been completely revolutionized and the affairs of life have been put upon a war basis. Those things which do not help in the de­struction of the enemy or for their own protection and de­fense are, for the time being, neglected by the warring na­tions. All of science, literature, music, and art that do not have some direct bearing upon the war or conduct of war seem to have disappeared completely from the thoughts of those who are intent upon destroying the armies of the enemy. Out of all this grim and deadly hostility there have grown an intensity of feeling, racial prejudice and bitterness that make all efforts at peace impractical and futile for the present. America has maintained a policy of isolation from entangling alliances and has kept free from the diplomatic jugglery that has involved so many European countries in wars. Our situation and physiography have aided this pur­pose. It has been our most earnest desire since the begin­ning of this European war to maintain our country free from any dispute that would involve us with any of the warring nations and so enable us to maintain an impartial attitude that would deserve the respect and the trust of each and every nation. Through such a policy we hope to be in a position to use our national power and influence to take advantage of any opportunity to secure peace and to establish conditions of equity and justice between na­tions.

However, the economic ties that bind together the nations of modern civilization are so strong, so numerous and so interwoven, that the life and the affairs of any one country necessarily affect all other countries, and it is impossible for any nation to maintain isolation. The countries of the world have intimate international relations. Finances have international centers. There are common storehouses and common factories in all the nations. These ties can not be severed wholly or partially without bringing well-nigh in­credible suffering upon the peoples of the countries con­cerned. The outbreak of the war interfered with many of the industries and occupations of Europe. These peoples became increasingly dependent upon the store and resources of the United States and other countries. As a result, our foreign commerce was completely changed in character. The products that we sent abroad had to be adjusted to meet new demands and new needs. This necessitated change and readjustment in the industries of the United States. We found that we were unable to obtain many things for which we had depended upon European countries.

This period of readjustment in the winter of 1914 meant to the wage-earners of the United States unemployment for many and all of the evil consequences of unemployment. But with the readjustment there came to many industries great opportunities for the sale of their products abroad, opportunities to produce the things that were necessary to supply the needs of the warring nations. As our country had maintained a policy of political neutrality, it was neces­sary also to maintain a policy of commercial neutrality and the products of our factories and our fields were open to purchase by the buyers of any nation. The fortunes of war made commercial intercourse with our country easier for some nations than for others. The nature, the extent and the direction of our commerce have almost completely changed during the months that the war has been in prog­ress.

It was necessary for the protection of American citizens to continue our foreign commerce. There has developed in this country and in some other countries a conscience that is extremely sensitive to the effects of our foreign commerce. According to this concept, commerce that sup­plies nations with certain products becomes, in some degree at least, responsible for the war itself and for the loss of life. Those who have this conviction feel that an embargo should be put upon such products, and that all trade should be forbidden in these things which enable Europe to con­tinue the struggle.

But these persons do not consider fully the disastrous effect upon the workers of our country as well as upon all of the citizens that would come from such a restriction and discrimination of trade which would result in closing so many industries and would quickly reduce thousands of men, women and children of our country to starvation. There is no middle ground, for it is impossible to distinguish between munitions of war and the ordinary articles of commerce. Cotton, automobile trucks, horses, mules, are normal and necessary agencies for the cultivation of peace—they are also necessary agencies in carrying on war. Should we make any attempt to differentiate we would be involved in an interminable dispute over the possible purpose to which materials can be put. All nations are now turning to Amer­ica as the great producer of food, clothing, and the necessities of existence.

Although it is recognized that these supplies from America do in a sense enable the foreign countries to carry on the war, yet it is also recognized that we have no right as a nation to interfere with the right of any other nation to determine in what manner it shall uphold its demands for justice. So long as nations are free and independent, so long as they shall maintain national self-respect, they must have the right to determine as they deem best the things which affect them directly and intimately. As Americans we believe fully in freedom. If nations are to remain free they can not be forced or coerced by other nations, even in the matter of peace.

There are evils and horrors which result from war, but there are also evils and horrors that result from a despotism that denies people and nations freedom to work out their own best welfare according to their own highest ideals. We respect neither an individual nor a nation who forgets his or its rights merely for the sake of maintaining peace. Individuals or nations who consciously permit a right to be denied establish a precedent of injustice that affects all others. We do not condemn individuals or nations that have fought nobly for ideals and for rights. On the con­trary, we glory in their courage and in their convictions and in the noble fight they have made. Had our forefathers preferred peace to justice, we would not now have the ideals and the institutions of freedom that exist. So now in our attitude toward European nations and the European war we must have in mind justice for America's citizens as well as our desire to restore peace.

Peace can not be restored until the Europeon nations are willing. There have been in the last year sentiments and movements for peace that have been powerful to the ulti­mate realization of that purpose. Some of these movements have been genuine, others have been created by individuals and interests that were really unneutral. These movements have taken various forms; some have tried to influence the policies of the state and governmental authorities of our country; others have tried to work upon public opinion and still others have sought to use the good name of our labor movement to further the interests of some foreign country. But all of these efforts have thus far been futile. The citizens of our country, including all of the workingmen, are too genuinely patriotic, liberty-loving and humane to permit themselves to be used by any such agency. The efforts to use the workingmen of our country have been of two kinds: one to get through them the endorsement of the foreign policy to place an embargo upon so-called "munitions of war"; the other has been to stir up industrial contentions and disputes and thus interfere with the actual process of production so that products to be sent abroad may be stopped. Foreign agencies have been trying to reach corruptly some of the organizations of the workers, but they have not suc­ceeded. There is nothing touching the industrial and com­mercial life of America that is not of interest to the warring nations. They have sought all angles of control but every­where they have found a spirit of faithfulness in America, a spirit of unity and solidarity among the workers that impelled them indignantly and decisively to reject such offers after their real nature was made clear.

Labor's Proposed Peace Congress

The Philadelphia Convention adopted a resolution favor­ing the holding of a labor conference at the same time and place that a general congress should be held at the close of the present European war in order to determine conditions and terms of peace. The resolution instructed the E. C. to hold itself in readiness to call to such a meeting representa­tives of the organized labor movements of the various nations. It was thought that such a conference would have great weight in urging and presenting the welfare of hu­manity and in determining the nature of the decisions of the world congress.

This proposal was submitted to the various organized labor movements of other countries and they were asked to com­municate their opinions in regard to the plan. So far we have had replies expressing approval from the French na­tional movement, from the secretary of the Trades Hall Council of Melbourne and from the South African Indus­trial Federation; from Germany came an opinion that such a plan was impracticable. Of course it is impossible to know whether the communication containing the section of the E. C. report upon international war and peace and the resolu­tion adopted by the Philadelphia Convention ever reached many of the labor headquarters. Attention is here called to the correspondence published in the current issue of the American Federationist, and upon which we amplify under the caption, "International Federation of Trade Unions." That correspondence must also be considered in connection with the subject now under consideration.

Previous peace congresses of this nature have been more concerned with political schemes and the aggrandize­ment of individual nations, the maintenance of spheres of influences, than they have been with human welfare, dem­ocracy and the rights of the people. The organized labor movement of the world represents the cause of humanity. There is no agency more capable or more fit to present and urge the claims of the people than the organized labor move­ments of the various countries. Ordinarily representatives in these great political congresses are not chosen by the people or as representative of the interest of the people, but they are chosen from among statesmen, politicians and those who represent great material interests. There is no assur­ance that the members of this next congress that must be held will be chosen in any different manner. Therefore, the holding of a Labor congress becomes necessary in order to infuse the spirit of humanity and democracy into this politi­cal conference.

The congress will afford a tremendous opportunity, for many nations are involved in the war, practically all of the eastern hemisphere. There may be presented an opportunity tending to democratize the countries and the institutions of Europe politically, and to determine the spirit and the kind of relations that are to prevail between the peoples thereof in the future. This is an opportunity for which America is peculiarly fitted. Our country stands as the land of free­dom, the land of democracy. Our ideals have been an in­spiration to the people of all lands and have induced many to make the struggle for freedom. Freedom is our ideal because we value human life, because we have the conception of the possibilities into which men and women may grow. The people of all countries have turned to our shores for inspiration and for hope. Millions have sought refuge here; others sought opportunity. This congress may enable our country to make our ideals the ideals of the whole world. To be sure, we have not been able to realize our ideals fully, but the great value of America has been that she has given the world a tremendous inspiration. It may be in this con­gress we can come nearer to making that ideal a reality in the lives of the people of the whole world. It is because of this great opportunity we have been especially desirous that America and her citizens shall avoid any relations that may in the future interfere with our effectiveness in acting as a disinterested mediator and conciliator.

The war is so tremendous, the struggle so intense, the chances so uncertain, that it is impossible to tell at what time peace may come and peace proceedings be inaugurated. For that reason it was felt that the E. C. ought to agree upon some tentative plan for the rapid assemblage of a labor conference. This is particularly necessary inasmuch as the organized labor movements of the fighting countries are necessarily somewhat demoralized through the war; their finances are depleted and they have not the means nor the facilities to obtain immediate and authentic information in regard to the political movements of the various countries. For these reasons, it is necessary that some general agreed upon plan shall be made public in these various countries. Of course, there will be bitterness engendered from the experiences and the results of the war, but the workers everywhere will have to lay aside their personal prejudices and even emotions that are closely related with their ideals, in order to coöperate for the mutual welfare and common betterment of humanity. As members of a great world society all of the interests of our lives are very closely en­twined, and we can not, even if we desire, maintain our interests isolated. Either we must be united for our com­mon advancement and our common protection or we will be defenseless against the plans and manipulations of the agents and representatives of the great interests, for it may be depended upon that these interests will coöperate for their own aggrandizement; that they will not allow indi­vidual feelings to interfere with their ultimate purposes.

Purposes of Labor's Peace Congress

A conference such as we proposed must be approached by representatives of Labor of the world with full conscious­ness of common interest and all methods necessary to attain those interests. There must be so keen an appreciation of the great things and the important things that the ephemeral and the personal may not interfere with the coöperation necessary to establish greater ideals.

The nations engaged in the war have the right to de­termine their own policies, and the American labor move­ment does not propose any interference with this right of each nation. The war was caused by conditions and in­fluences for which we are not responsible and the beginning of which it is not now our mission to discuss. Any effort on the part of our country to intervene now would be inter­preted as partisan and hence a violation of neutrality. Only by holding aloof from all movements, however well inten­tioned, until the right time to influence our government to interfere, can the labor movement be in a position to be most helpful in the constructive work of preparing regula­tions for international adjustments. The matters with which we are mainly concerned and which it is our duty to help determine, are those things which have to do with reorgan­ization at the close of the war and the establishment of agencies to maintain international justice and therefore permanent peace between nations.

During the previous history of the world, international relations have been left as the field for professional diplo­mats and politicians. As a result this field has not been organized and there are few permanent agencies for dealing justly, comprehensively and humanely with international questions and rights. There exists, however, what may con­stitute a nucleus for developing permanent institutions. This nucleus consists of The Hague Tribunal and that indefinite mass of international customs known as international law.

Suggestions have been made to these embryonic institu­tions to further develop into a more comprehensive pro­vision for influencing international relations.

However, there has been no effort to democratize these institutions and to make them directly responsible to the peoples of the various nations concerned.

The demand for democratic control and democratic organization of international agencies and international methods must come from the people, for it is hardly prob­able that diplomats and statesmen will voluntarily propose to share their power and authority with the masses of the people; and yet it is the masses of the people who suffer most grievously from wars and who must bear the brunt of war both during the time of fighting and in the period of readjustment that follows cessation of warfare.

Not only has there been little or no effort to democratize international relations, but very little consideration has been given to democratizing the foreign policies of countries. The latter problem must be worked out by each nation, but would follow naturally from the establishment of the rule of the people in international affairs. The matters that will be considered by any general Peace Congress called it the end of the present European war will be of vast importance in determining future policies and the directions of develop­ment for decades, aye, perhaps for all time.

At all previous congresses of this type the matters con­sidered have been purely political and have been determined from the viewpoint of professional diplomacy which is con­cerned with statescraft rather than with the larger problems of national statesmanship and the general welfare of the masses of the people. Since the welfare of the wage-earners of all nations is largely affected by international regulations, in all justice it should be given primary consideration in the deliberations of a World Peace Congress.

Just as the wage-workers of each country have by in­sistent demands forced their political agents to consider matters affecting their welfare, and have forced national recognition of the principle that the well-being of the people that constitute the nation is a matter of fundamental im­portance to the nation, so the wage-workers of the various nations must insist that there shall be established as an international principle that the welfare of human beings is of the greatest importance in international relations and intercourse. In whatever provisions are made for inter­national political agencies, the labor movements must present the demands of the people that these agents must be responsible to them.

No doubt propositions concerned with international indus­trial and commercial undertakings will be considered by the Peace Congress. It will devolve upon the representa­tives of the wage-earners to present and to demand recog­nition for the human element concerned in such agreements. It has been altogether too common for such problems to be considered only from the purely commercial and private profit standpoint. Consideration of the human side will result only from the self-interest and the altruism of the wage-earners themselves. Any effective effort along this line will necessitate a more thorough international organiza­tion of the labor movements of the various countries. Ex­perience has demonstrated that the success of the labor movement of each country has been directly proportionate to its success in economic organization, so success in main­taining the interests of the wage-earners and international relations will depend upon the kind and nature of our inter­national organization.

It is impossible to plan in advance for all questions that may come up for consideration. The delegates must use discretion and judgment guided by the fundamental principle that human welfare must have the greatest consideration.

Suggested Plans for the Congress

There are various difficulties that arise in making a plan to convene the proposed conference. Not all the organized labor movements of the world belong to the International Federation of Trade Unions, and not all countries have national centers or federated labor movements, consequently any regulation for representation in such a congress must have considerable flexibility.

This perhaps would be a workable plan:

Let every national center affiliated to the International Federation of Trade Unions send not more than two dele­gates to the conference.

The labor movement of any country, even though not affiliated, could send one delegate.

If there is no one general movement in a country, let the representatives of the organizations of that country agree to send one delegate. It happens that many of the European countries consist of several nations, which have their separate national labor organizations.

The wage-earners of many countries have not yet effected national organization. It would be extremely difficult to get in touch with the responsible officials of these labor movements as quickly as might be necessary in order for them to send representatives to the proposed labor confer­ence. It is necessary then to make provisions for the repre­sentation of such countries in some other than purely formal methods.

It is suggested, in addition to the formal invitations sent to labor centers, that publicity be given to these invita­tions through the press, and that the notice of the time and place of holding the conference shall constitute in itself an invitation to participate in that conference through authorized representatives. In the meantime until then if there be time the E. C. of the American Federation of Labor be authorized and empowered to extend formal invita­tions and issue the call in the name of the A. F. of L., and at the earliest possible moment after action has been taken by this convention.

In view of the fact that peace when it comes will probably-come very quickly and there will be comparatively little time for making provisions for the labor conference and for cir­culating information in regard to that conference, it might be well to prepare in advance a circular to be sent to national centers, national labor movements, and to be circulated by the labor press of the world generally in order that a more complete representation may be obtained. Then it should also be understood that representatives to this congress must be either officials or duly accredited representatives of eco­nomic organizations of wage-earners. No representatives of political organizations, of philanthropic associations, or any other sort of an organization except a bona fide labor organization, shall be admitted as members of the con­ference.

The delegates to this international conference before leav­ing their home countries should make provisions for publicity through the labor press of their countries for the delibera­tions and the decisions of the labor conference so that the wage-earners of the whole world would be in possession of the truth in regard to what transpires.

In order that the position of the workers of the United States in regard to international peace and war may be fully representative and carry with it the weight of the unanimous voice of Labor of the country, we recommend that all International Trade Unions be urged to give their endorsement and pledge their coöperation to the program and plan outlined by this convention for the holding of a World's Labor Conference. From the, report of the Committee on International Rela­tions to the American Federation of Labor convention held in San Francisco, Col., November, 1915.

On that portion of the Executive Council's report under the caption of International Peace and War, we are in full accord and take pleasure in so reporting. We have taken note of and fully indorse the statement that the "horrors, the destruction and the waste of war were all so new that they were like a terrible weight on the spirits of all. The waste of human life, the brutality and the butchery seemed so horrible as to be well nigh impossible"; and again with the further statement: "It is then our most earnest desire since the beginning of this European war to maintain our country free from any dispute that would involve us with any of the warring nations, and so enable us to maintain an impartial attitude that would deserve the respect and the trust of each and every nation"; and further and more par­ticularly with the following statement: "There is no middle ground, for it is impossible to distinguish between munitions of war and the ordinary articles of commerce. ... So long as nations are free and independent, so long as they shall maintain national self-respect, they must have the right to determine as they seem best the things which affect them directly and intimately. As Americans we believe fully in freedom. If nations are to remain free, they cannot be forced or coerced by other nations even in the matter of peace"; and finally: "Had our forefathers preferred peace to justice, we would not now have the ideals and the institu­tions of freedom that exist; so now in our attitude toward European nations and the European war we must have in mind justice for American citizens as well as our desire to restore peace."

We are fully in accord and agree with the sentiments expressed. We hold America has the right to carry forward its normal or extraordinary activities, industrial, political or otherwise, so long as we do not violate any rule of humanity or fundamental rule of strict neutrality. We stand for justice and right rather than for peace at any price, we want peace, we shall work for peace, and hope finally to attain it. We agree with and commend the sayings, acts and attitude of President Gompers which in their wise appli­cation have done much to safeguard and protect the honor and best interests of the American labor movement and all America. Fearlessly, freely and boldly expressed, his guid­ance has received the warmest endorsement of our nation and has been a potential factor in the national policy that has kept us out of the spineless class, yet free from en­tanglement in the cataclysm now devastating Europe.

Labor's Peace Conference

We are in full accord with the plan suggested by the Executive Council as outlined in its report, and fully concur in the suggested arrangements for holding such conference. While we reaffirm the action taken by the Philadelphia convention, we hold the Executive Council should again be instructed to make all arrangements for holding the antici­pated conference, and further that the Executive Council be and is hereby authorized to select the President of the American Federation of Labor and one other to represent the A. F. of L. in such conference.

The A. F. of L., the American trade union center, because of its strict neutrality, isolation and distance from the seat of trouble, its freedom from race bitterness, hatred and passion, is eminently qualified to lead in the effort which portends so much and is so important for the future well­being of the trade union movement, human life, liberty, justice and a broader democracy for all mankind.